The Insight: What to Know About Hungary's Surprising Election

Your questions answered with balanced insights from AllSides' news and bias experts

This Issue

Some see the fall of Hungary’s populist leader as a warning sign for President Donald Trump. Others think the situations are too different to draw parallels. Who’s right?

OSW

Written and edited by Andy Gorel

Time to read: 12 minutes

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See perspectives on…

• What led to Orban’s defeat?
• Is Péter Magyar liberal or conservative?
• Is Hungary a dictatorship?
• How does the Hungarian electoral system work?
• What misconceptions have media created?
• And more!

What led to Orbán’s defeat? 

Despite having been very popular among Hungarians for most of his 16-year stint as prime minister, Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party started to show cracks in early 2024. After two years of rampant inflation and a presidential pardon scandal that roiled the party, the table was set for Péter Magyar, who, up until that point, was a Fidesz insider and loyalist, to emerge.

As Hungarians have long complained about perceived corruption within the Orbán government, Magyar was also able to lift his political star by publishing a secret recording of his wife, former Fidesz Justice Minister Judit Varga. In the tape, Varga is heard saying that high-level Hungarian officials attempted to interfere in an ongoing corruption case.

Shortly thereafter, Magyar was able to lead his Tisza party (which formed in 2020 but lay dormant until 2024) to win seven of Hungary’s 21 seats in the 2024 European Union elections.

While opposition coalitions in previous years proved futile, Magyar was able to ride the momentum through 2025, campaigning vigorously across Hungary. His political positions don’t differ much from Orbán’s, and he’s been careful not to comment too much on issues important to liberals, such as LGBTQ rights.

Magyar’s rhetoric focused more on domestic issues like healthcare, education, and corruption, while Orbán focused mostly on external affairs, namely Ukraine and Budapest’s testy relationship with Brussels.

While even some of the most pro-opposition media, commentators, and citizens had assumed much of rural Hungary would safely break for Orbán, historic voter turnout nationwide broke all kinds of norms, delivering a resounding victory and supermajority for Tisza.

Is Hungary a dictatorship?

Hungary has been called a dictatorship by prominent liberal media outlets countless times during Orbán’s tenure as PM.

A Google search for “Hungary dictatorship” reveals coverage published by NPR (Lean Left), The Hill (Center), Foreign Policy (Center), The Atlantic (Left), Euronews (Center), Politico (Lean Left), Voice of America (Center), Deutsche Welle (Center), and The Guardian (Left) on just the first few pages alone that explicitly calls or implies the country under Orbán a dictatorship.

And such coverage is a drop in the ocean, especially when considering rhetoric from Orbán’s political adversaries, both in and outside of Hungary. Many ordinary Hungarians have also labeled their prime minister.

Yet leading up to and through the election, several things happened that made Hungary look like anything but a dictatorship.

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Pro-Tisza Megaconcert

On Friday, April 10, two days before the election, a massive seven-hour pro-Tisza concert was held with many of the nation’s largest acts at one of Hungary’s most significant landmarks, Heroes’ Square.

During the concert, Hungarian rapper Eckü pulled out his genitalia and criticized one of Orbán’s top cabinet members, Gergely Gulyás.

“I’m sending a message to Geri Gulyás,” he remarked, with his genitals in his hand, showing the crowd – many of whom were openly drinking alcohol. “I’m telling him I’ll put my b**ls on his head… From Monday, I’ll be the one holding the government briefings.”

Once he learned of the incident, Gulyás responded, “Hungary is not like this and we don’t want it to be like this.”

This was not reported on by media outside of Hungary, though some Hungarian outlets, such as the liberal opposition outlet Telex, covered it. Eckü did not face consequences for his actions, though Hungary does have laws against public nudity.

Youth Voter Techno Party at Parliament

Then on election day, on the steps of parliament, which is widely revered as Budapest’s most impressive piece of architecture, the pro-opposition club Turbina hosted a techno party aimed at young Tisza voters.

Just across the Danube from the parliament, in the shadow of the iconic Fisherman’s Bastion, was the official election night party for Tisza.

Meanwhile, Fidesz’s home base was set up downstream, in a quieter part of the downtown at the “Balna” (whale) building, an illustrious conference center and social hub that was partially funded by taxpayers. These election day happenings also weren’t reported on by most international media.

Orbán Concedes Quickly

When, later that night, a landslide victory for Tisza became apparent, Orbán quickly conceded and congratulated Magyar on his victory. While some outlets suggested weeks of unrest and a “Maidan-style” uprising could have followed an Orbán defeat, the process played out just as freely and peacefully as it would have in any other Western democracy.

After 16 years of furthering narratives that Hungary had become an autocracy run by an autocrat, there has been very little significant media coverage suggesting that maybe it could be a real democracy after all.

Liberal commentator Bill Maher (Lean Left) weighed in, saying, “The media kind of played me. For years, all I've been reading about is that he's the second coming of Stalin. There will never be democracy again in Hungary. And then, oh, actually, well, people got tired of a guy just like they do in every democracy. They didn't like him and they wanted somebody with different policies, and they voted them out. And he went and conceded the next day. So I do feel a little used.”

How does the Hungarian electoral system work?

Hungary is a parliamentary democracy, though there is some nuance to its system. In 2011, a major system overhaul led by the Orbán government cut the total number of seats from 386 to 199. These 199 seats are awarded not based on individual constituency or nationwide popular vote totals, but a mix of the two.

The first 103 seats are awarded based on which local parliamentary representative each individual constituency votes for – think like the Electoral College. The next 96 are decided by “National List” voting, which sees voters cast their vote for a party, bringing the national popular vote into play.

Many liberal media outlets and commentators – which overwhelmingly supported Magyar, and have for years authored biased coverage against Orbán and Fidesz – have criticized Hungary’s current system.

Days before the election on April 1, Politico (Lean Left) framed Hungary’s current system as repressive and unfair. It said Hungary’s “last free and fair election” took place in 2010 and that after winning, Orbán “quickly embarked on laying the foundations for his subsequent victories” by switching to the current model.

On election day, April 12, The New York Times (Lean Left) wrote in a headline that Orbán “has an edge even before voting begins” and described the current model as “free, but not entirely fair.”

Coverage suggesting Hungarian elections are unfair or rigged has been very common in mainstream publications from the left and center throughout Orbán’s time as prime minister. 

Though, since April 12, it has become clear that the Hungarian electoral system doesn’t necessarily favor Fidesz, or even the incumbent party; it favors the more popular one.

With the final numbers rolling in on April 18, Tisza won 141 (71%) of the seats, with 53.18% of the vote. In contrast, Fidesz won 52 seats (26%) with 38.61%. 

For the remainder, the “far right” party Mi Hazánk won 6 (3%) of the seats with 5.63% of the vote.

See the full election results from the Hungarian government.

The overwhelming victory for Tisza means the party will govern with a supermajority, allowing it to act decisively and authoritatively, without needing other parties to cooperate on its desired policy changes. During his previous 16 years, Orbán also enjoyed a supermajority.

With the shoe on the other foot now, readers should keep an eye on media and commentators who have been Orbán’s biggest detractors since 2010, and whether they voice equal concern for the amount of power the Hungarian people have bestowed upon Magyar and Tisza.

Is Péter Magyar liberal or conservative?

Media and commentators across the spectrum have selectively labeled Magyar and his ideology.

While labels sometimes were switched or omitted running up to the election, outlets from the left generally referred to Magyar as “conservative” or “center right.” Among these were Politico (Lean Left), CNN (Lean Left), Associated Press (Left), The New York Times (Lean Left), Washington Post (Lean Left), and The Guardian (Left).

Outlets from the right, which covered the election, but in less volume, varied in how they described Magyar to their audiences. 

• The Epoch Times (Lean Right) was in line with outlets from the left, calling Magyar “conservative.” 
• The Washington Examiner (Lean Right), which in the past week has published several articles criticizing Orbán, generally deferred to include a label for Magyar, but in one article described Tisza as “centrist.” 
• The New York Post (Lean Right), which was similarly critical of Orbán, labeled Magyar’s platform as “pro-European, anti-Russia” in one article and “center right” in another.
• ZeroHedge (Lean Right) didn’t include a label for Magyar.

In the middle, Reuters (Center) described Magyar as both “center right” and “pro-European,” The Hill (Center) called him “center right,” and BBC News (Center) didn’t include a label.

A trend also emerged among international outlets, including the BBC, The Guardian, and DW News (Center), which, in some instances, just described Magyar as “opposition,” avoiding ideology altogether.

Outlets from the left and center seem to have more readily adapted the narrative that Magyar is a conservative based on his past experience and campaign rhetoric, whereas outlets from the right haven’t reached a consensus. Once Tisza is able to form a government and begin governing, readers should keep an eye out for how the labels from biased media may evolve.

For years, mainstream media outlets, particularly those from the left and center, have described Orbán and Fidesz as “far right.”

Orbán and Fidesz initially rose to power in 1998 when they won parliamentary elections as a liberal party, and Orbán became prime minister. After eight years in opposition, he won the leadership back in 2010, this time carrying the Fidesz banner under a more populist conservative ideology often described as “center right.”

Ahead of the 2018 elections, many mainstream outlets and commentators claimed Orbán was moving even further right ideologically.

While it may be true, throughout Orbán’s rule, Fidesz has always been flanked by a party to its right. From 2010, it was the “Jobbik” party – which loosely translates to “further to the right” – that commanded around 10% of the parliamentary seats until 2022. Though the party went through a rebrand in the mid-2010s that saw it move towards the center, in 2018 the current “far right” Mi Haźank party emerged, and has held a stake in parliament since 2022.

Jobbik was the largest propellant of the United for Hungary coalition that in 2022 tried to unseat Orbán. Led by conservative Péter Márki-Zay, the mayor of Hódmezővásárhely, the coalition also included liberal and socialist parties, making it a big tent.

Though unsuccessful, the 2022 opposition more or less set the stage for the opposition’s approach in 2026. Despite still being a largely unknown entity, as it has not governed before, Magyar’s Tisza party won 2026 with the same approach – attaching a conservative face to a big-tent movement.

Liberal news outlets in Hungary, Europe, and the US have conspicuously boosted Magyar and Tisza since he emerged as the clear challenger to Orbán in 2024, but the fact remains that his political experience and stated ideology are conservative.

Magyar joined Orbán’s Fidesz in 2002, where, through the years, he climbed the ranks to become one of the party’s top insiders. During his tenure, he held several high-level positions until he split from Fidesz in 2024, when he published a recording he secretly made of his ex-wife, Justice Minister Judit Varga, talking about the government’s involvement in a corruption case.

Despite his break from Orbán and superstar status in global liberal media, judging based on his campaign rhetoric at least, Magyar still supports much of the Fidesz agenda.

While he has navigated away from taking a stance on certain issues that matter greatly to Hungary’s liberal voters, such as LGBTQ freedoms, he has signaled support for much of Orbán’s conservative policies, which are still popular with the majority of the Hungarian electorate.

Such policies notably include restoring energy flows through Ukraine from Russia to Hungary, obstructing Ukraine’s accession to the European Union, prohibiting weapons from being transited to Ukraine through Hungary, continuing Orbán’s tax exemptions and child-based incentives for Hungarian families, and maintaining a hardline approach to migration. 

In fact, on migration, the issue that fueled Orbán’s global rise in the 2010s, Magyar has said he will be even further to the right than Orbán was, vowing to halt the issuance of guest-employment permits to non-EU citizens beginning on June 1 and strengthen the border wall Orbán resurrected in 2015.

Culturally similar to Orbán, he has also espoused a deep sense of nationalist pride, stressed the importance of Christianity, and praised US President Donald Trump. 

A few months ago, in November, Magyar authored a long (but lowly engaged-with) X post in which he called Trump a “born leader” who “would truly make his country great.” More recently, since the election, he has defended Orbán’s reverence for the map of pre-War Great Hungary – something that angers neighboring countries, as liberal outlets have noted – and agreed to the “far right” Mi Hazank’s proposal for all parties to swear on the Holy Crown of Hungary.

Where Magyar has marketed himself as a split from Orbán, though, is on corruption (arguably the biggest concern for Hungarian voters) and relations with Brussels.

Orbán has long endured criticism from all angles – media, citizens, and bureaucrats – that his government had become too corrupt. In addition to its distaste for some of Orbán’s policies on migration and LGBT issues, it has also imposed sanctions on Hungary for what it believes to be widespread corruption, lack of democratic norms, and rule-of-law violations.

In 2018, the EU opened proceedings to strip Hungary of its voting rights for a “serious breach” of EU values, though it never passed because of objections from Poland. In 2021, it began withholding pandemic recovery funds from Hungary for rule of law violations and corruption concerns, a total that has now reached €35 billion. And in June 2024, the EU imposed a fine of €200 million + €1 million per day as punishment for “unprecedented” breaches of European asylum law – the total amount is currently nearing €900 million.

While much of Orbán’s platform involved standing up to Brussels, Magyar’s platform has focused on compromise.

Immediately after winning the election, according to Financial Times (Center), Magyar immediately engaged with EU leadership to see about unlocking the frozen €35 billion. In order to do so, his government will have to meet a list of 27 demands the EU has for Hungary. The list, which was initially presented to Orbán in late 2022, includes what Brussels views as anti-corruption measures, increased academic freedom, enhanced rights for LGBT citizens, and more favorable policies for asylum seekers.

How Have Conservative Media Covered Orbán?

Many conservatives from the US and other Western countries have long voiced support for Orbán and Hungary under his leadership. 

This has led conservative media to often frame him quite positively, usually emphasizing his hardline stance on illegal immigration, vocal support for Christian values, policies regarding young Hungarian families, and stance against certain LGBT discourse and rights. His close relationship with President Donald Trump has also earned him many points.

Despite the elation from liberal media regarding Orbán’s defeat, conservative outlets and commentators have split on the issue – or seemed not as emotionally invested as liberal outlets overall. The main factors driving this appear to be that Magyar is also a conservative, and that Hungary’s rocky relations with neighboring Ukraine don’t sit well with some on the right.

As noted above, The Washington Examiner (Lean Right) has been particularly critical of Orbán in recent coverage. The writers at National Review (Right), which haven’t generally been too fond of Orbán either, have ramped up critical coverage around the election, especially since his defeat. Fox News (Right) host Brian Kilmeade said he was “glad” Orbán lost because of Hungary’s relations with Russia.

Perhaps the most prolifically pro-Orbán commentator from the US, Tucker Carlson (Right), who has interviewed Orbán and traveled to speak publicly in Hungary several times in recent years, has remained quiet.

Despite previously being a major ally, the world has seemingly not noticed Carlson’s evaporation from the discourse. Carlson hadn’t commented on the Hungarian election leading up to it, and hasn’t after it either.

An article that appeared in a print copy of the extremely pro-Orbán magazine Hungarian Conservative (Lean Right) in late 2025 described Carlson as being overly critical of Israel and “giving a friendly platform to conspiratorial voices.”

Also not widely mentioned by most media outlets is that Hungary under Orbán has steadfastly been one of Israel’s biggest supporters. 

Hungary has frequently been one of very few countries to consistently vote alongside Israel and the US on certain measures at the UN in recent years. In the wake of the October 7 terrorist attacks, Hungary offered its Felcsút Pancho stadium to be the home of the Israeli soccer team. 

For context, Felcsút is a village of around 2,000 where Orbán resides, and the stadium holds up to 3,865 people. When it was constructed using some taxpayer funds, liberal media outlets criticized it as a corruption pet project of Orbán’s.

Read more on our blog.